DEMOCRACY AND ELECTION IN INDIA
Author: Mr Siddhant Mishra, Advocate, Lucknow High Court.
Co-author-1: Furquan Ahmad,
Student of Law from Sai Nath University.
Co-author-2: Kumari Muskan,
Student of Law from Sai Nath University.
Democracy (Greek: δημοκρατία, dēmokratiā, from dēmos 'people' and kratos 'rule' ) is a form of government in which the people have the power to decide and decide the law ("direct democracy"), or to elect a ruling. officials to do so ("representative democracy"). Who is considered to be part of the "people" and how authority or delegation of authority has changed over time and at different levels in different countries, but over time the citizens of a democratic country are often included. The cornerstones of democracy include freedom of assembly, association and speech, inclusion and equality, citizenship, citizenship, voting rights, freedom from government deprivation, and the rights of minorities.
The idea of democracy has changed dramatically over time. The earliest form of democracy was straightforward democracy. The most common form of democracy today is representative democracy, in which the people elect government officials to rule in their place as parliamentary or presidential democracy.
The day-to-day decision-making of democracies is a matter of democracy, although other forms of decision-making such as supremacy and consensus have been part of democracy. They serve the purpose of universal suffrage and the legitimate legitimacy of sensitive issues — the fight against racism — and, as a result, play a major role in the constitutional process. In the traditional version of a free democracy, much power is exercised within the framework of representative democracy, but the constitution limits the majority and protects the minority — often in the enjoyment of all certain rights, e.g. freedom of speech or freedom of association.
The term originated in the 5th century BC to describe the political systems that then existed in the Greek metropolitan areas, especially Classical Athens, meaning "rule of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "elite empire. " " Western democracy, as distinct from that of ancient times, is generally regarded as the origin of cities such as Classical Athens and the Roman Republic, where various schemes and levels of authoritarian men were seen before form. Disappeared from the West at the earliest times. of democracy throughout the ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship included a special phase until full recognition of all adult citizens in modern democracies through the 19th and 20th century right-of-way movement.
Democracy is in conflict with forms of government where power is limited by one person, as in the plans of a democracy as a whole, or when power is limited by a small number of people, such as the oligarchy — a legacy of opposition to ancient Greek philosophy. Karl Popper described democracy as opposed to dictatorship or oppression, focusing on the people's ability to control their leaders and drive them out without the need for change. The public opinion of the world favors the principles of a democratic government.
Difficulty in measuring democracy
Because democracy is a broad concept that combines the functions of various institutions that are not easy to measure, there are strict limits on the measurement and economic estimation of the potential effects of democracy or its relationship to other factors — be it inequality, poverty, education, etc. Given the difficulties in obtaining reliable data with in-country demographic characteristics of democracies, scholars have learned a great deal about international diversity. Yet the differences between democratic institutions are huge in all countries that suppress rational comparisons using mathematical methods. Since democracy is often measured by integration as a major diversity using a single perspective of each country and each year, learning about democracy faces a number of economic barriers and is limited to basic co-operation. International comparisons of a coherent, comprehensive and high-quality concept such as democracy may not be, in many cases, practical in nature or practical.
Dieter Fuchs and Edeltraud Roller suggest that, in order to truly measure the level of democracy, targeted ratings should be based on "citizen-based estimates". Similarly, Quinton Mayne and Brigitte Geißel also defend that the nature of democracy depends not only on institutional performance, but also on citizens' morality and commitment.
Importance of Mass Media
Theory of democracy relies on the clear assumption that voters have more information about public affairs, policies, and candidates in order to make a truly informed decision. Since the end of the 20th century there has been a growing concern that voters may not have the right information because the media are too focused on entertainment and gossip and focus on the journalist's extensive research on political issues.
Journalists Michael Gurevitch and Jay Blumler have proposed a number of jobs that are expected to be filled by democratic media:
Social and political surveillance
Reasonable agenda preparation
Forums that are understandable and clear
Conversation between different viewing distances
Ways for officials to respond to their use of force
Encouraging citizens to learn, choose, and get involved
Systematic resistance to external media efforts to undermine independence, integrity, and the ability to serve the audience.
A sense of respect for the member of the audience, as they may be concerned and able to make sense of their political environment
The proposal has spurred much discussion on whether the media is truly meeting the demands of an effective democracy. Commercial media are generally not responsible for anyone other than their owners, and are not liable for democratic activity. They are largely controlled by economic market forces. Strong economic competition may force the media to deviate from any purpose of democracy and focus entirely on how to survive the competition.
Newspaper production and the popularity of news media are reflected in the growing focus on human models instead of statistics and principles. There is a lot of focus on politicians as human beings and little attention on political issues in popular media. Election campaigns are widely regarded as horse races and less so as debates about ideas and issues. The ruling media focused on spin, conflict, and competitive tactics that led voters to view politicians as self-centered rather than opinionated. This promotes mistrust and an attitude of political infidelity, low public participation, and low interest in voting. The ability to find effective political solutions to social problems is hampered when problems are often blamed on individuals rather than structural reasons.
This personal focus may have far-reaching effects not only on domestic problems but also on foreign policy where international conflicts are blamed on foreign heads of state instead of political and economic structures. The powerful focus of the media on terror and terrorism has allowed the military mind to infiltrate government institutions, leading to increased vigilance and erosion of human rights.
The responses and responses of the democratic system are at stake when a lack of access to important, diverse, and distorted information hinders citizens' ability to evaluate the political process. The speed and slow pace of competing media outlets silences political debate. Extensive and balanced research on complex political issues does not fit into this format. Political communication is characterized by temporary horizons, short slogans, simple meanings, and simple solutions. This is in line with political ideology rather than in-depth discussions.
Commercial media are often politically divided so that people can hear, especially the ideas they already agree with. Too many arguments and differing views do not always benefit the commercial media. Political differences arise when different people read different stories and watch different TV channels. This division has been exacerbated by the emergence of a social network that allows people to interact primarily with groups of like-minded people, the so-called echo chambers. Extreme political divisions may undermine trust in democratic institutions, leading to the erosion of civil rights and free speech and in some cases even to a demolition of democracy.
Many media professionals have discussed non-commercial media issues with public service obligations as a way to improve the democratic process by providing the kind of political content the free market offers do not provide. The World Bank has praised the spread of public service to strengthen democracy in developing countries. These broadcasting services should be accountable to an independent governing body that is adequately protected from political and economic disruption. The public service media has a responsibility to provide reliable information to voters. Many countries have funded radio and television programs with public service obligations, particularly in Europe and Japan, while those media outlets are weak or non-existent in other countries including the USA. Several studies have shown that when commercial media dominance over the public service media, it decreases the amount of policy-related information in the media and the greater focus on horse racing journalism, personality, and political peccadillos. Public service radio is characterized by more policy-related information and greater respect for journalism and impartiality than commercial media. However, the tendency to downplay the law has put the public service model under more pressure to compete with the commercial media.
The advent of the Internet and social media has dramatically changed the nature of political communication. Social media has given ordinary citizens easy access to expressing their views and sharing information while passing through major media filters. This is often seen as a benefit of democracy. New communication opportunities have fundamentally changed the way community organizations and protest organizations operate and are organized. The Internet and social media have provided powerful tools for democratic organizations in developing countries and democracies in developing countries, enabling them to bypass investigations, express their views, and organize protests.
The big problem with social media is that they do not have true filters. Established media should protect its reputation as trustworthy, while ordinary citizens can post unreliable information. In fact, research shows that false stories outnumber true stories. The proliferation of false news and conspiracy theories may undermine public trust in the political system and government officials.
Reliable sources of information are essential to a democratic process. Sub-democratic governments rely heavily on scrutiny, propaganda, and inaccurate information to maintain their power, while independent sources of information may undermine their legitimacy.
India has a parliamentary system as defined by its constitution, which has the power to distribute between central government and provinces.
Election In India
The President of India is the head of the national ceremonies and the supreme commander of all the military forces in India.
However, the Prime Minister of India, who is the leader of a party or political coalition with a majority in the Lok Sabha national elections. The Prime Minister is the leader of the highest branch of the Government of India. The Prime Minister is a senior adviser to the President of India and head of the Council of Ministers of the Union.
India is divided into regions (States and territories) and each country has a Prime Minister who is the leader of a party or political alliance that wins the most in the regional elections known as the State Parliamentary elections using the administrative power in that Region. The Prime Minister of the Provinces has executive authority within the State and works closely with the Prime Minister of India or their ministers on matters requiring both State and Central Government. Some Union areas also elect the Assembly and have local government and some (especially smaller) Union Areas are governed by a person designated by the President of India.
The President of India monitors the rule of law through its appointed governors in each Province and with their recommendation may take over the executive from the Prime Minister, for a time when the elected representatives of the State government have failed to create a peaceful environment. and it has become a commotion. The President of India dissolves the current State government if necessary, and a new election is held.
The Election Commission is an Indian state body authorized under the provisions of the Constitution, which is responsible for monitoring and overseeing all Indian election processes. This body is responsible for ensuring that elections are free and fair, without bias.
The Electoral Commission ensures that the conduct of members before, during, and after the election is as lawful.
All election-related disputes are dealt with by the Electoral Commission. The Supreme Court of India has ruled that where the established laws silence or make insufficient provisions to deal with a particular situation in the conduct of elections, the Electoral Commission has the remaining constitutional powers. Sukumar Sen.
Candidates are expected to submit their nomination papers to the Electoral Commission. Then, a list of candidates is published. No party is allowed to use government resources to campaign. No party is allowed to bribe candidates before the election. The government cannot start the project during the election. The campaign ends at 6:00 pm two days before polling day.
Voting takes place between 7:00 a.m. and 6:00 p.m. The constituency collector is in charge of voting. Public servants are employed as voting staff at polling stations. Electronic voting machines (EVM) are used in place of ballot boxes to prevent electoral fraud. After a citizen has voted his left finger is marked with indelible ink. This practice was established in 1962.
Ink used in Indian elections
A bottle of ink bottle
The study of indelible ink was initiated by the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR). In the 1950s, M. L. Goel worked on this research in the Chemical Division of the National Physical Laboratory of India. The ink used contains silver nitrate, which makes it difficult to photograph. Store in amber plastic or in brown glass bottles. When you apply, the ink stays on the surface for at least two days. It can last up to a month depending on the person's body temperature and environment.
BHAVIK (EVM) was first used in the 1997 elections and became the only voting system in 2004. EVM saves time reporting results. The Voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) was launched on 14 August 2014 in Nagaland. In the 2014 national elections, VVPAT operated in 8 constituencies (Lucknow, Gandhinagar, Bangalore South, Chennai Central, Jadavpur, Raipur, Patna Sahib and Mizoram) as a project for testing. The VVPAT-produced slip tells the voter which party or candidate their vote has been given, their name, their region and their voting center.
Opposition groups called for VVPAT to be made binding throughout India over allegations by the government of the EVM. Similarly, the Voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) and EVMs have been used in all conventions and national elections in India since 2019. On April 9, 2019, the Supreme Court of India issued a ruling, ordering the Indian Electoral Commission to increase the number of VVPAT votes for the five EVMs randomly elected at each meeting, meaning that the Indian Electoral Commission must count VVPAT slips for the election. -20,625 EVM in 2019. National elections. VVPAT allows voters to check whether a given vote goes to the person they want as the VVPAT unit produces a ballot slip, also called a voting slip, which contains the name, serial number, and photo of the person elected to vote for them. his vote. After the 2019 national elections, ECI announced that there were no differences between EVM and VVPAT.
NOTE (None of the above in Indian elections)
On September 27, 2013, the Supreme Court of India ruled that citizens have the right to a negative vote by voting "None of the above" (NOTA). This was the result of complaints from the Electoral Commission and the People's Liberation Front since 2009. In November 2013, NOTA was introduced in a five-state election. If a majority of the vote belongs to NOTA, the province is under the authority of the president and is governed by laws similar to national boundaries.
India does not provide a common vote for non-citizens. On 24 November 2010, the Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill, 2010 was gazette to grant voting rights to non-citizen Indians but a physical presence at the polling station is still required.
Voting by post in India is done only through the "Electronically Transmitted Postal Balot Papers (ETPB)" program of the Indian Electoral Commission, where ballot papers are distributed to eligible voters and return votes by post. When counting the votes first, these postal votes are counted before those from the Electrical Voting Machine. Only certain categories of people are eligible to register as postal voters. People who serve in the Union's military and state police and their spouses, as well as Indian government employees who are officially deployed abroad can register for a postal vote, these are also called "Service Voters". Additionally, people detained with disabilities, the disabled and those over the age of 80 can use the postal vote. Prisoners cannot vote at all
Elections form the basis of the world's largest democracy - India. Since independence, 15 Lok Sabha have been formed in elections, the first of which was held in 1951-52. The electoral system is based on the common right of the elderly, where every citizen of India over the age of 18 is a eligible voter in the eyes of the Constitution.
Elections give people a way to express their voice, their opinion and to choose the person most important and their views most relevant to them. In India elections were not new and began to take place before independence under British rule. But before independence the franchise was limited and very few had the right to participate and vote. After independence, India adopted the universal right of the elderly and every adult Indian received the right to vote.
The importance of elections in India — and consequently, in any democracy — is as follows:
Election leadership: Elections provide a way for Indian citizens to elect their own leaders. They do this by casting their vote in favor of a candidate or a party with attractive ideas. This ensures that the will of the people is reflected in the elect.
Change of leadership: Elections in India are also a platform for the public to express their outrage at the ruling party. By voting for other parties and helping to elect a different government, citizens are showing that they have great authority.
Political participation: Elections open the door for new issues to be raised publicly. If a citizen of India wishes to introduce reforms that are not on the agenda of any party, we are free to stand for election independently or to form a new political party.
Rehabilitation program: Because elections are a regular occurrence, which takes place every five years in India, the ruling parties are retained and made to take into account the interests of the people. This serves as a precautionary measure in which political parties review their performance and try to appease voters.
With a population of over 1.2 billion (according to the 2011 census) spread across 28 provinces and 7 union areas, India has a terrific and commendable electoral system.
Unknown facts about Indian Elections
1. There is only one authorized company Mysore Paints and Varnishes Private Limited which makes indelible ink used for fingerprint marking after voting.
2. Electronic voting machines save 10,000 tons of paper.
3. The 6-volt alkaline battery is used to operate Electronic voting machines, which can be used in areas without power connections.
4. For the second time in the 2015 Delhi elections, Congress won zero seats. Earlier when Congress faced a similar situation it was 1988 in the state of Uttar Pradesh.
5. Malkangiri constituency in Hyderabad has the largest number of voters, 30 lakh by number.
8 Reason why education may be pivotal in the Election
1. STRONG EDUCATION IS VERY IMPORTANT IN EVERYDAY LIFE
Visually and truthfully, education is becoming increasingly important for parents and the long-term success of their children's health. It is also an important source of revenue for a large economy, with more than $ 1 trillion a year (mostly from social media). These are the driving forces behind the NCLB and the importance of education has continued to grow. This field has become so important that politicians at any level are ignored.
2. EARLY EDUCATION
Education has become a thing of the past as the number of women at work has increased. Working parents need someone to take care of their children, and if we look at what we know about social and intellectual development in the early years, community-sponsored early childhood education has many potential benefits. At the time, state policy was surprisingly stable, still focusing on LBJ era policies such as Head Start and organizational tax credit. This issue is ready for a policy change and provides another reason for voters and presidential candidates to focus on education. Support for young children is very high in polls, and bipartisan attraction.
3. HIGHER EDUCATION
The federal government has long played a key role, albeit quietly, in financing colleges and universities through Pell Grants, student loans, and regulations. However, with the student loan debt soaring, the federal government is a natural place to look for solutions. Although there is more controversy than that of young children, many of these ideas are also voting positively across the political arena.
4. STRONG BUDGETS
Education — especially any new programs that deal with early childhood education and college enrollment — requires resources, something that is lacking in government and local levels. Health care and pension benefits take up a large and significant portion of government spending. Countries have also shown a strong tendency to cut back on higher education as the budget tightens. Coalition government, with its borrowing power, is likely to be involved in any major spending effort.
5. INEQUAL PROBLEMS
Inequality is a real and growing problem, and one of the most important concerns among Democrats. Wage inequality is partly due to unequal educational opportunities (although not as some education advocates would have). Children's education is still young and a factor in gender inequality as child care and early education are central to allowing women — who are still primary caregivers — to have equal access to the labor market.
6. POLITICAL ACTIVITY
More than any other story, because so many people interact with public education in some way, educational positions can be used to attract support from very specific areas. Do you want to attract younger voters? Promise a lot of higher education, such as free college and loan exemptions. Do you want to attract African-Americans? Support for black colleges and universities in history. Do you want to attract rural voters? Create a home education proposal. Do you want to attract women? Focus on early childhood education. Education is the sword of the Swiss military policy and politics.
7. DIPLOMA AND GENDER DIVISION
In the early 2000's, voters with more formal education voted equally for Democrats and Republicans. Not anymore — 53% of white college-educated voters went to Democrats in 2018 compared to 37% of illiterate whites (I couldn't find the same numbers of people of color or the general population). It makes sense that voters with a more formal education may see education as an important policy issue. Education is also a pocketbook problem for women, who also vote for Democrats differently.
8. BETSY DEVOS
DeVos is one of the most alarming figures in what, for Democrats, Trump's most outrageous administration. His lack of knowledge in education (especially in public schools), quick mistakes (“guns and bears”?), And strong support for vouchers and online learning, often opposed by Democrats, make him a victim of general political attacks. (Not that there are intentions here, but his comments have no research support to recommend.)
One can distinguish three types of relationships between electoral subjects and politics, which are associated with three different questions, if they are related. First, how do electoral studies meet the need for political actors? Second, how much of a difference does American political science make? Third, which democratic representation do they support?
First, the development of survey research is directly linked to Indian political life:
In the 1950's there were almost no market research organizations in India. ANC rule reduced any incentive to promote political voting (Butler et al. 1995: 41).
During the second non-ANC institutional government (1989-1991), political parties began approving the polls they used to formulate their election strategy (Rao 2009). India's elections have been marked at the state level since the 1990's, and the increase in pre-election polls from the 1991 election onwards could be linked to the uncertainty of election results in the face of increasing regional party affiliation (Rao 2009). The fact that the CSDS resumed its election campaign in 1996 is no doubt related to the changes that have been taking place in India's political climate since the beginning of that decade. The rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh and its emergence in other North Indian provinces, and often more divisions between political representation, and new groups representing growing civil society groups, has made it extremely important to know who voted for the party - and why.
Moreover the geographical distribution policy adopted in 1992 has aroused great interest in Indian actors and observers. Today the newly available interest of ethnographic election courses, centered on localization may be related to the fact that the national scale is becoming increasingly challenging as it is more appropriate to understand Indian politics.
Second, the hidden, but insignificant aspect of the debate is related to what might be called the ‘Western rule’ of survey research. The methods were studied by leading Indians in the United States or the United Kingdom (even in the 2000s, CSDS members were trained in summer school in survey research at the University of Michigan). The authors are usually American (or working in an American higher education institution). Funding usually involves foreign funding agencies.
More importantly, the main concepts of the survey research are often drawn from the rich field of American electoral studies, 22 and especially to the ethical, thought school that is rejected as part of Indian education. Finally, a common (and often vague) reference to the state of India is actually compared to the United States and Western Europe. On the other hand, these comparative efforts23 confirm the fact that India is no longer a foreigner in terms of democracy. On the other hand, one may regret over-focusing, in comparison, in Western countries, just as it distorts the Indian issue (for example, the Indian voters' pattern, authorized by Yadav as' special 'because divergence from practice seen in North America and Western Europe, may seem insignificant in comparison. let's say, even a post-apartheid South Africa) .24
Thirdly, all electoral studies support the (less vague) statement of Indian democracy; they can often be read as a 'democratic report' (Jayal 2006). In this regard, another criticism of non-psychological studies is that their small focus tends to paint a positive picture, as elections are often regarded as ‘free and fair’ in the Indian democracy, which is often justified as a ‘process’, viz. in line with democratic processes (general elections and political exchanges, free radio) but not in democratic values (from equality). The sheer size of the applications involved in conducting a national election will certainly raise the barrage of admiration, which often transcends the boundaries of the democratic process. Jayal therefore criticizes the 'deception of electoralism':
Scholars who enroll in a balanced, democratic process, are generally enthusiastic about Indian democracy ... Their analysis does not exclude the many social and economic inequalities that make it difficult even for legitimate participation to succeed (Jayal 2001: 3).
Moreover the huge costs involved in conducting sample research on larger samples mean that sponsors — including the media — can put pressure on the research team. And one can see two reasons why poll research is relevant to the media: first, its (supposed) predictive ability to predict results makes it an important part of horse racing, an exciting aspect of the election; second, it contributes to the ‘good feeling’ as it indicates, post-election, that the number of voters is high and that the results are unpredictable; thus giving credit to the idea of democratic choice.
In this positive analysis, some Indian political scientists contradict the most important view given by Indian political models not based nationally, but on the margins. Here anthropology provides a way out, as an experienced view of long-term field service allows a simultaneous view of common and isolated objects. Thus the works of Hauser and Singer or Banerjee, which provide minutes of various 'ceremonies' that cover the electoral process from the first place of voters, highlight both the empowerment and pressure of voting. Their research shows that when it comes to elections, the relationship between celebration and division is highly confidential.
Elections are a complex, multi-faceted social and political event that can only be taken for granted: this review of literature emphasizes how different approaches complement each other and therefore equally necessary. Although India's electoral studies, at least at national and national level, have been dominated, since the 1990s, by survey research, a Lokniti-based project 'Comparative Electoral Ethnography' should contribute to restoring a certain balance between different types of studies. Also, academic debates about the scientific and political implications and limitations of electoral studies seem to lead to collusion: while question-based inquiries advance to better capture the views and attitudes of Indian voters, anthropological studies strive to overcome the limitations of wild work. based on a single, limited location.
One can regret that studies of Indian elections, by all disciplines, tend to focus exclusively on the vote, which certainly is a climactic moment of the electoral process, but by no means the only interesting one. Indeed a recent attempt by the CSDS team to understand participation beyond voting, in order to qualify the ‘second democratic upsurge’ (Yadav 2000) through a state wise analysis of the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, suggests that a broader definition of the electoral process might significantly contribute to solving the ‘puzzle of Indian democracy’ (Chibber & Petrocik 1989, Lijphart 1996). They conclude that ‘comparison across social sections shows that a broader entry of the underprivileged into the political arena is much more limited, even today, than the entry of the more privileged social sections’ (Palshikar & Kumar 2004: 5414).
The complementarities of different approaches are here glaring: ethnographic work is much needed to understand the implications of the fact that ‘over the years there is a steady increase in the number of people who participated in election campaign activity’ (Palshikar & Kumar 2004: 5415).
One wishes also that anthropological studies of future elections deal not only with the traditional elements of voting (the campaign procession, the inking of the finger etc.), but also with newer elements of the process: what has been the impact of the model code of conduct, or of the increasing use of SMS and internet in the campaign, on electoral rituals? What about the collective watching of TV shows focusing on elections, both before and after the results are known?
Finally, at a time when election surveys have acquired an unprecedented visibility, due to their relationship with the mass media, one can only lament the absence of rigorous studies on the role of the media, both print and audio-visual, in funding, shaping and publicizing election studies.